Deadlock In Korea
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Between 1950 and 1953, nearly 30,000 Canadian volunteers joined the effort to contain communist incursions into South Korea and support the fledgling United Nations. All the services were there and all served with distinction. The Royal Canadian Navy led a daring rescue of troops from the port of Chinnampo in 1950; members of the Princess Patricia’s Canadian Light Infantry won the highest US battle honour at Kap’yong in April 1951; the Vandoos turned the tide at Hill 355; and twice – at Hill 355 in October 1952 and Hill 187 in May 1953 – members of the Royal Canadian Regiment held firm against forces that greatly outnumbered them. The navy and the infantry were bolstered by the Royal Canadian Horse Artillery and Lord Strathcona’s Horse tanks, as well as members of the service, medical, engineers, provost, chaplain and intelligence corps. Still more, from the RCAF Thunderbird Squadron, took part in the Korean Airlift – three years of non-stop supply flights across the Pacific.
This book examines how inter- and intra-party coalition-building affects governability in South Korea. Focusing on the Kim Dae-jung administration (1998-2003) as a case study in the failure of a government to turn electoral success into stable governability, or ability to implement reform policies, the book’s research draws on two bodies of literature which, though focusing on the same dependent variable (cabinet or government stability), have rarely been used in tandem: coalition research on parliamentary systems and studies of divided government in presidential systems. Youngmi Kim argues that a weak institutionalization of the ruling party and the party-system accounts for political instability and inefficient governability in Korea and in doing so her study makes a number of key contributions to the field. Theoretically it proposes a framework which integrates a rationalist approach with one that acknowledges the role of political culture. It further enhances the understanding of factors affecting governability after coalition-building across regime types and aims to build on recent demands for broader cross-regime analysis of minority/divided government and of the determinants of governability. This has important comparative implications as coalition-building within (semi-) presidential systems has occurred in other post-authoritarian contexts. The book finally provides a new dataset which fills a gap in a field where Western cases constitute the main focus of research. The Politics of Coalition in Korea will be of interest to students and scholars of Korean studies, Korean politics, Asian studies and Asian politics. Youngmi Kim is Assistant Professor at the Departments of Public Policy, and International Relations and European Studies at Central European University, Budapest, Hungary.
When Professor Morishima's book Why has Japan 'Succeeded'? (1982) was published, Japan was still a country of 'capitalism from above'. For the past ten years the country's economy has faltered and declined. It is turning towards 'capitalism from below' despite Japan's weak democracy. This directional change is investigated through a variety of standpoints, using an in-depth knowledge of the Japanese ethos, national history, educational background, as well as the sociology of the Japanese economy and business world. The author offers a long-term forecast for the future of Japan.
This ebook bundle contains five books that chronicle Canada’s participation in the conflict that gripped the Korean peninsula from 1950–53 and resulted in two very different nations that remain at odds today. This bloody and traumatic face-off between capitalist and communist ideologies highlighted the tensions of the Cold War that drew in nations from many parts of the world. Canadian soldiers did their part and many sacrificed their lives for the democratic cause. Those interested in the war and the Canadian role in it will find a wealth of information and analysis in this collection of works by leading historians. Includes Cross-Border Warriors Deadlock in Korea Fighting Words Korea Triumph at Kapyong
This reference work provides information on all known military operations carried out under United Nations command as part of the Korean War, from June 1950 through 22 July 1954. Following an introductory history of the Korean War and a precise chronology of all Korean War operations, entries are arranged by operation name in five sections: primarily ground operations, primarily air operations, primarily sea operations, specialized operations, and covert and clandestine operations. For each operation, information includes dates, objectives, units involved, place within the greater strategy of the war, and outcome.
In June 1950, North Korea invaded South Korea. Responding to a United Nations' call, Canada deployed an 8000-man brigade to the peninsula to fight as part of an American-led UN force. This comprehensive account of the Canadian campaign in Korea provides the first detailed study of the training, leadership, operations, and tactics of the brigade under each of its three wartime commanders as well as its relationship with American and Commonwealth allies. This impeccably researched analytical history also examines the various units, from the "Special Force" to the army's regular battalions that replaced them.
Argues that too much advice can lead to policy deadlock depending on leadership style.
Where there has been fighting or the threat of fighting since the end of the Second World War, the United Nations has ahnost al ways been involved. Frequently that involvement has taken the concrete form of a field commission or a team of observers, made up of nationals of several countries and reporting to the General Assembly or the Security Council. Even while I write this, military observers wearing special United Nations insignia are patrolling the border areas of Syria and Lebanon. Meanwhile, observation groups with a longer history are on duty in Kashmir and along the Israeli borders. A field commission of the United Nations still remains in Korea, and others had been at work in Greece, Eritrea, Somalia and on the Hungarian border. All of them lived, worked and reported in an atmosphere of controversy. Perhaps none could have claimed that their work ended in full success. Their existence, however, suggests that the United Nations has developed a special political instrument for use in troubled areas where solutions are elusive but where danger of a spreading con flict is never distant. This study deals with the work of field com missions of the United Nations in Korea before the violence of 1950. Their work, whatever its merit, came crashing down with the North Korean attack.
This epic memoir is strung on the thread of the author's personal reminiscence, and is filled with fascinating anecdotes about his encounters with many famous people.
Complex computer-integrated systems offer enormous benefits across a wide array of applications, including automated production, transportation, concurrent software, and computer operating systems, computer networks, distributed database systems, and many other automated systems. Yet, as these systems become more complex, automated, distributed, and computing-intensive, the opportunity for deadlock issues rises exponentially. Deadlock modeling, detection, avoidance, and recovery are critical to improving system performance. Deadlock Resolution in Computer-Integrated Systems is the first text to summarize and comprehensively treat this issue in a systematic manner. Consisting of contributions from prominent researchers in the field, this book addresses deadlock-free models and scheduling, detection and recovery methods, the formulation of dynamic control policies, and comparison and industrial benchmark studies that evaluate various approaches. The editors lay the foundation for exploring deadlock issues with a typical example of an automated manufacturing process, illustrating three primary modeling methods (digraphs, Petri nets, and automata) and comparing their respective advantages and disadvantages. Providing all of the important models and resolution approaches, this book is the complete guide for electrical and control engineers and manufacturing, intelligent, and network systems designers to prevent and manage deadlock issues in their systems.
This reference guide throws light on almost every aspect of postwar international history from the rise of Mao's China to the Bosnian Civil War. It provides a huge wealth of information on East-West relations setting events, crises and conflicts in their full international context.
The proposed governmental structure of the unified state is historically viable, immediately applicable and financially attractive. This new scenario for Korean unifi cation has three basic elements among others. First, the entire systems of the current democracy in South Korea will be applied across the entire Korean peninsula. Secondly, the structure will guarantee future securities of North Korean leaders and their descendants. Thirdly, it will obtain the Stability of the East Asian region through the United Nations. After the unification, all citizens of the new state will enjoy the freedom and liberty currently enjoyed by the citizens of South Korea. The division of the Korean peninsula was an unfortunate product of the Cold War created by two superpowers. Particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Blocs in the 1990s, North Korea became isolated and unable to make any advance in its economic front. The result is that the survival of its regime as a state is currently at risk. Moreover, South Korea possesses more than 30 times the economic strength in terms of GDP and twice the population of North Korea. It has a vast technological lead and has stolen away the North’s allies, as well as the friendship of most other states. The economic miracle of the South was achievable under the protection of the US defense system, whereas the dismal economy of the North is a result of the continual presence of the US forces in the South and the collapse of the Soviet Blocs. In light of these economic developments, now is the time for the government of South Korea to make a bold move towards an orderly Korean unification with the guarantee of stability in East Asia through the United Nations. It is regrettable to say that the Government of North Korea must give up the idea of unifying the Korean peninsula on its own terms and accept the proposed unification mode in exchange for the future securities of the North Korean leaders and their descendants. Then, most important is the end of the human rights abuses by the North Korean regime. Also equally importantly, this new unification scenario turns out to save more than $100 Billion in unification capital cost, in comparison with other known unification scenarios. Today the two Koreas have become at best a peripheral security interest to America, while economic relations have been warming up for mutual prosperity among the powerful neighboring countries- China, Japan, Russia and the US. Their governments should unselfishly support this new unification endeavor of the Koreans along with the guarantee of stability in East Asia through the United Nations. The proposed governmental structure of the new unified state is historically viable, immediately applicable and financially attractive. Thus, the Korea unification, outlined in this proposal, will provide peace, prosperity and no further nuclear threat by the North Korean regime to all nations in the world.
Untouched since 1953, the Korean DMZ (Demilitarized Zone) has transformed itself into one of the few ecologically pristine zones and a vital habitat for endangered species. Often cited as a potential "peace park", it could one day be a common ground for reconciliation and harmony. A wealth of data and information has been produced over time, documenting significant aspects of the DMZ and its implications for human and ecological security, both in Korea and worldwide. However, there is no single book in English that brings together the findings on the mechanism of evolution, the ecology and biodiversity of the DMZ. "The DMZ of Korea", by Kwi-Gon Kim, is the first step in this direction. It seeks to link scientific information and policy making for the future DMZ ecosystem management, taking into account the fact that the area has become, over the years, a natural treasure as a habitat for rare birds and other wildlife and a fertile environment for a thriving plant community. It also provides a framework for ensuring the long-term sustainability of the DMZ. The book holistically describes the current environmental status of the DMZ, and identifies bioregions, resources, habitats, and species. By outlining the current scientific data and information needed to classify the different wetland types, assess the biological integrity, understand the threat factors, and to suggest conservation and management strategies, the book provides a "one stop shop" scientific and policy source of information, which will undoubtedly be of great interest to students, researchers, practitioners, and policy decision-makers, in the areas of planning, natural resource management, public management, ecology, landscape architecture, geography, and the life sciences. Prof.Dr.Kwi-Gon Kim obtained his Ph.D. at UCL, University of London, UK. He is a professor emeritus at Seoul National University and the Co- President of the Korea DMZ Council in Seoul, Korea.
North Korea's institutional politics defy traditional political models, making the country's actions seem surprising or confusing when, in fact, they often conform to the regime's own logic. Drawing on recent materials, such as North Korean speeches, commentaries, and articles, Patrick McEachern, a specialist on North Korean affairs, reveals how the state's political institutions debate policy and inform and execute strategic-level decisions. Many scholars dismiss Kim Jong-Il's regime as a "one-man dictatorship," calling him the "last totalitarian leader," but McEachern identifies three major institutions that help maintain regime continuity: the cabinet, the military, and the party. These groups hold different institutional policy platforms and debate high-level policy options both before and after Kim and his senior leadership make their final call. This method of rule may challenge expectations, but North Korea does not follow a classically totalitarian, personalistic, or corporatist model. Rather than being monolithic, McEachern argues, the regime, emerging from the crises of the 1990s, rules differently today than it did under Kim's father, Kim Il Sung. The son is less powerful and pits institutions against one another in a strategy of divide and rule. His leadership is fundamentally different: it is "post-totalitarian." Authority may be centralized, but power remains diffuse. McEachern maps this process in great detail, supplying vital perspective on North Korea's reactive policy choices, which continue to bewilder the West.
This book examines South Korea’s recent strategic turn to middle power diplomacy, evaluating its performance so far in key areas of security, maritime governance, trade, finance, development assistance, climate change, and cyber space. In particular, the authors pay special attention to how South Korea’s middle power diplomacy can contribute to making the U.S.-China competition in East Asia benefit Korea. The contributors discuss the opportunities and limits of this middle power diplomacy role, exploring how Korea can serve as a middleman in Sino-Japanese relations, rather than as a US ally against China; use its rich trade networks to negotiate beneficial free trade agreements; and embracing its role as a leader in climate change policy, along with other topics. This book is a must read for foreign policy officials and experts who engage in the Asia-Pacific region, rekindling the academic study of middle powers whose influence is only augmenting in our increasingly networked twenty-first century world.
The regime of Kim Jong-Il has been called "mad," "rogue," even, by the Wall Street Journal, the equivalent of an "unreformed serial killer." Yet, despite the avalanche of television and print coverage of the Pyongyang government's violation of nuclear nonproliferation agreements and existing scholarly literature on North Korean policy and security, this critical issue remains mired in political punditry and often misleading sound bites. Victor Cha and David Kang step back from the daily newspaper coverage and cable news commentary and offer a reasoned, rational, and logical debate on the nature of the North Korean regime. Coming to the issues from different perspectives—Kang believes the threat posed by Pyongyang has been inflated and endorses a more open approach, while Cha is more skeptical and advocates harsher measures—the authors together have written an essential work of clear-eyed reflection and authoritative analysis. They refute a number of misconceptions and challenge much faulty thinking that surrounds the discussion of North Korea, particularly the idea that North Korea is an irrational nation. Cha and Kang contend that however provocative, even deplorable, the Pyongyang government's behavior may at times be, it is not incomprehensible or incoherent. Neither is it "suicidal," they argue, although crisis conditions could escalate to a degree that provokes the North Korean regime to "lash out" as the best and only policy, the unintended consequence of which are suicide and/or collapse. Further, the authors seek to fill the current scholarly and policy gap with a vision for a U.S.-South Korea alliance that is not simply premised on a North Korean threat, not simply derivative of Japan, and not eternally based on an older, "Korean War generation" of supporters. This book uncovers the inherent logic of the politics of the Korean peninsula, presenting an indispensable context for a new policy of engagement. In an intelligent and trenchant debate, the authors look at the implications of a nuclear North Korea for East Asia and U.S. homeland security, rigorously assessing historical and current U.S. policy, and provide a workable framework for constructive policy that should be followed by the United States, Japan, and South Korea if engagement fails to stop North Korean nuclear proliferation.
The "Diamond Dilemma" provides a profound, provocative, and unique outsider's inside perspective on the challenges and opportunities facing South Korea. It concludes with a passionate plea for change, highlighting how the country can achieve its full potential as a shining diamond. The book received wide-spread acclaim and media attention in Korea, where it was released by Random House Joongang. The English version is now available on Lulu. "For anyone ... trying to understand how nations and industries evolve, what role Korea and other Asian countries are likely to play ..., and why some companies succeed and others fail, the 'Diamond Dilemma' is a fascinating and indispensable guide." Sir Geoffrey Owen, Senior Fellow, London School of Economics, and former editor of the Financial Times
Develops a new and dynamic theory of foreign policy decision making and experiential learning.